"It is said that no-one truly knows a nation until one has been inside its gaols. A nation should not be judged by how it treats its highest citizens, but its lowest."
Nelson Mandela
The
French philosopher, Michel Foucault, in 'Discipline and Punish', wrote
about the move away from the old public festivals of punishment towards
a sanitised, industrialised form that is largely hidden from the public
gaze.
The
old forms of punishment were public spectacles – intended to entertain as much
as intimidate the populace. Only the favoured (mostly the aristocracy) were
granted a quick, clean and relatively private death.
The
ancient public rituals of judicial punishment – burning, hanging, beheading,
disembowelling, flogging – have been replaced by incarceration, with its
persistent surveillance, separation, solitary confinement and rigid discipline.
Prisons
that were once used either to hold debtors or political opponents or to hold
the accused and condemned until they were subjected to corporal or capital
punishment – have become the punishment.
With
the emergence of the prison as the preferred, and more 'civilised', form of
punishment, the methods of killing have also become 'scientific' and
medicalised in most states that still execute their citizens.
The
guillotine was considered a humane death in contrast to the ways a feudal
traitor would have met his end. In hanging, the length of rope and weight of
prisoner are carefully calculated to ensure, if not the hoped-for Hangman's
Fracture, at least a rapid asphyxiation. In electrocution, a wet sponge
is placed on the head of the prisoner to hopefully render them unconscious if,
as often happens, the electric shock does not kill them instantly. But,
it is with the use of lethal injection that this attempt to sanitise judicial
killing, is at its most obvious – to the extent that the process often
becomes a macabre parody of a medical procedure.
The
modern, clean, high-tech penitentiary is presented as a huge advance on the
chaotic and bloody bedlam of what went before. The very term
‘penitentiary’ came about because the institutions were intended to be
rehabilitative. The criminal was incarcerated, confined and isolated in
small, monastic-like cells within a larger building, not just to
protect civil society, but in order that the evil-doer might reflect upon,
and repent his sins.
The
truth is that separation and isolation, the enforcement of a rigid discipline,
the removal of autonomy, the lack of privacy, the imposition of who is
socialised with and when - are all punishments that strike at the very
heart of what it means to be human.
We
are profoundly social animals but we did not evolve in vast swarms.
Isolation is unnatural and stressful for us but so too is over-crowding and
enforced association.
Our
social arrangements – when healthy – allow us to choose with whom and when to
interact, and when to be alone. For most of our social evolution those
arrangements were within communities in which kinship and communal ties and the
normal distribution of age and experience moderated and controlled group
and individual behaviour.
Most
prisons dispense with all the things that help keep us social and balanced and
therefore human. As such they are inhumane – intended not to rehabilitate
or even just to contain - but to punish. The State exacts revenge
on behalf of the actual victim of a crime.
In
the recent era, it has gone far beyond that.
The
'panopticon prison', in which the incarcerated cannot escape the gaze of their
gaolers, may be seen as a reflection of the growth of a surveillance society in
which the citizen cannot escape the gaze of the State. Most of us are
more surveilled today than we have ever been in our history as a species.
The
modern state uses the prison to hide many of its social problems. It sweeps
poverty, addiction, homelessness, low educational achievement and mental
illness under a judicial carpet and locks it all away behind impenetrable
walls.
It
also removes from the body politic, a potent source of social unrest;
alienated, angry young men who have been shut out of a world which dangles the
promise of status and material rewards but denies most the means to reach them.
When
a society fails to provide educational and training opportunities and to create
meaningful work; when it labels the under-employed and unemployed as a ‘feral
underclass'; when it creates mandatory and longer sentences for the sorts of
crimes the poor are most likely to commit – it declares a whole stratum of
people to be a social problem that can be solved – in part at least – by
imprisoning many of them.
As
felons, people are disenfranchised; some remain so even after release.
Ex-prisoners are less likely to get scarce jobs, which cements their marginalised
status and means they are more likely to end up back in prison.
This
self-fuelling system has reached its nadir in the USA where the total number of
men and women imprisoned in federal and state prisons is equivalent to almost
half of the total population of NZ. Young black men in the USA are more
likely to be imprisoned than to get a decent education. They are
incarcerated at an average rate of over 5 times that of their fellow white
Americans and, in some states, that rate goes up to twice that.
Black
women are twice as likely to be imprisoned than white women. There are
more women in prison in California today than there were in the entire USA in
the 1970s. Women in prison often find themselves trapped in an
intersection of class, race and sex controlled by an arm of a state that has
already proven itself incapable of managing that intersection in
wider society.
The
number of prisons in the USA has exploded since the 1970s – a large majority of
them were opened in the eighties and nineties. What Angela Davis called
the 'prison-industrial complex' emerged at the start of the neoliberal
era and it has proliferated and spread its tentacles all over the developed
world.
The
ethnic and the social class profile of the inmates of these modern prisons is
evidence that the entire system is not only racist but is intended to control
those people who have been hardest hit by the rapacious, globetrotting capital
of the neoliberal era.
It
is no accident that in the same era in the USA and elsewhere, there has been a
massive proliferation of corporations which provide private security
services, an increased militarisation of the police, and an increase in the
number and confidence of armed rightwing militias.
The
entry onto the scene of private prisons in the USA is a return to the use of
convict labour. In private prisons there is an economic imperative
to increase profits by cutting the cost of staffing
and the maintenance of buildings and of prisoners, and by making money
out of convict labour.
In the
antebellum era, convict labourers were almost all black men. The chain gang's links to the abolition of slavery were as
obvious as the system was cruel and oppressive. These days in the USA the
captive, hyper-exploitable prison labour force is still disproportionately
black.
Mostly
prisoners work in factories hidden from the public eye but reactionary
extremists like Joe Arpaio publicly parade shackled inmates wearing chain-gang
style uniforms – a public reminder of an era when black men convicted for minor
crimes were subjected to conditions as bad or even worse than slavery – including being literally worked to death.
The
likes of Arpaio remind us that, however clean, clinical, medicalised and
scientific the modern surveillance state's prisons appear to be, there's an
older, brutal reality that is played out inside them. This brutal order
is allowed and even encouraged as long as it doesn't turn on the keepers - and
as long as its ugly truth doesn't seep too far beyond the prison walls.
One
of the greatest ironies is that the brutality is attributed, not to the nature
of the institution, but to the pathological nature of its inmates.
The truth is not that inmates are all predisposed to behaving badly, but
that the system places barriers to, and often prevents them from behaving
well. Furthermore, it is intended to do just that in no small part
because prisoners who behave badly while inside and once released, serve to
justify the existence both of the prisons and of other examples
of the surveillance state.
In
all of this NZ is nowhere near as bad as America but that’s more a measure of
the enormity of the USA's failures than it is of our successes.
Our
society creates and perpetuates the conditions in which some people are more
likely to commit crimes, often because they have no real choice.
We
have differential standards for defining and responding to crimes that have
been committed by the affluent and the elite, and crimes that have been
committed by the poor and the marginalised.
We
punish certain types of crime committed by certain types of people more harshly
which is evidenced by the fact that we imprison poor and brown skinned people
more often, and for longer than we do affluent or white people.
Our
incarceration rate of poor and brown skinned people, like the incidence of
poverty-related child abuse, is a national disgrace and makes a mockery of New
Zealand's claims to be the progressive, first world nation it likes to think it
is.
This
ugly reality and the pretence that we are a decent, egalitarian and just
society creates massive cognitive dissonance. Many Kiwis deal with that by
excluding those people from the 'real' New Zealand; they label them as 'feral',
as undeserving, as pathological. Their existence is deemed to be an
aberration, nothing to do with real Kiwis who are fundamentally
egalitarian, hardworking, decent and just.
We
pat ourselves on the back for such things as being progressive towards the LGBT
community, for having partly closed the gender wage gap, for being the
first country to give women the vote, for having a young woman and a Māori man
in the running to become Prime Minister and Deputy PM.
These
are all very laudable things but frankly, while we have families that are
forced to live in cars, homeless people who die of cold on the streets, thousands of kids who live in poverty, an appalling rate of violence against women and
children, high levels of horizontal violence and incarceration of men of colour
at rates which match those of the most racist of American states – we have no
right to be smug and self congratulatory.
I will
leave you with this thought: if Black and Hispanic Americans were incarcerated at the same rates as White Americans,
the US prison population would drop by almost 40%.
If
Māori and Pacifica men were incarcerated at the same rate as White New
Zealanders, we would not need 1800 new prison beds and we could be looking at
better, more social and productive ways of spending 1 billion
dollars.
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